Monday, February 28, 2011

1861 Feby 23d Washington

My dear friend,

I have not written
in reply to your last note because
your post office has escaped my
memory. I have been hoping from
day to day to meet some Virginian
who could give it to me. It has
just been suggested that you will
certainly find a note sent to
the exchange Hotel -- so I
adopt that course--

I believe the emi-
nent personage of whom you
wrote to be a Northern man in

[page 2]
all his feelings. Especially political,
& that he knows as little of the
nature of our general government
as of human nature -- I think
that he would prefer the strongest
form of government.

What will our convention do?
I regret infinitely the separation
division I mean of the Southern
States -- A large northern party seems
determined to rewrite them-

The president elect aston-
ished the inhabitants of Wash-
ington by arriving at six this
morning--Why did he permit
no procession in Baltimore?
His first visit, a very early one,
is said to have been paid to

[page 3]
Genl. Scott-

It is seems to be thought
here that the republicans are
dividing on the Southern question-
as to coercion or not. The public
has not learned which is the
party of the new president.
Very truly yours
J. E. Johnston

Col. Cocke

Saturday, February 19, 2011

1861 February 20 House of Representatives

Speech of the Hon. Muscoe R.H. Garnett, of Virginia.

...Do gentlemen imagine that the men who have, with the utmost calmness and deliberation, in seven States of the Union, called conventions, assembled together at great hazard to their business, encountered the risks of revolution, declared their States outside of the Union, whose deputies have met at Montgomery and formed a new constitution, inaugurated a President, and who are proceeding to raise an army, and to make treaties with foreign nations--do you imagine, I say, that these men will permit you, a foreign nation as they esteem you, to collect revenue in their ports? Do you fancy that they will not resort to reprisals, retaliation, and to every measure which the law of nations authorizes for the vindication of their independence?

Admit that the people of South Carolina and the other seceding States are mad, fanatical, blind, what you please; condemn their action by every term, which the most violent among you have chosen to heap upon them, still you know the history of the country shows, all Christendom knows, that they are brave men; men who will shed the last drop of their blood in vindication of their honor. And do you suppose that such men, who have taken this solemn position in the eyes of the world, will retreat from it, will give it up at the first exhibition of force that you choose to make by stationing ships of war off their harbors? No, gentlemen; this executing the laws as you call it is coercion, and coercion is war; and in your heart of hearts you know it--you know it; and while the sands of life are still running for this Congress, the question of peace or war is in your hands.

Acknowledging the independence of the Confederated State, and you may have peace throughout your borders; you may possibly keep with you the border slave States peaceably, perhaps permanently, probably till they have exhausted every conciliatory device to restore and reform the Union. Fail to recognize that independence, and with Mr. Lincoln's avowed opinions, on the 4th day of March next, whether you pass your force gills or not, but especially if you pass them, you will inaugurate a war, and open war, to be conducted according to the laws of nations, between you and them. It will be a war in which their object is to vindicate their independence, and assert and maintain their right to govern themselves; a war in which your object is to conquer men who do not choose to live under your Government, and to force your yoke upon an unwilling people. And in that war, do you doubt where Virginia will stand? Do you doubt where Kentucky will stand? Do you doubt where any of the border States will stand? Do you think they will be so mean, so craven, as not to rush to the defense of the rights of the sister States whose interests in common with their own are invaded.

University of Virginia alumnus Muscoe R. H. Garnett (1821-1864), was a member of the Viriginia House of Delegates, the U. S. House of Representatives, and the Board of Visitors of the University of Virginia.

1861 February 19 Manchester, N.H.

Speech of Richard H. Dana., Jr., to the Republican Club of Manchester

...I ask leave to suggest a few plain propositions....

First. We will concede no new right, power, or recognition to slavery, whether political or territorial, whatever may be the consequences of refusal.

Second. We will not bargain for the right to carry on the government, whatever may be the terms of the purchase.

Third. Any measures not justly liable to either of these objections, but addressed to those fears and suspicions which do exist at the South and are the sustenance of the revolution, it is our duty to offer.

Fourth. Our recognized duties to slavery under the present Constitution must be faithfully performed.

We will not bargain for the right to carry on the government, because it is a right that cannot be bought and sold. It perishes in the transfer. We sill not gargain for it, because the terms they demand are the surrender of some great rights of freedom which are not ours to give, but which we hold in trust for a vast people now living, and hereafter to live. We will not bargain for it, because it will leave us no government if we pay the price. It will leave only a Constitution , which will be a government, indeed, when wielded against us, but only a voluntary league, when sought to be wielded in our favor.

We will grant no new right, power, or recognition to slavery, whether political or territorial. Are not the concessions of the present Constitution quite as much as the moral sense of the North can sustain? --- quite as many as can be executed? If we make more, we shall be voluntarily and wilfully sinners against right and duty, and with the additonal ignominy of doing it either from fear or from the mercenary motive of an undone love of material prosperity. But even that would be a delusion. We are at a time when we may say, without irreverence or a tempting of Providence, that duty is ours, the results are___elsewhere. We know that the course of honor is always the course of ultimate good policy. We hope it will also be the course of immediate safety and peace.

We will do all we can do for conciliation, and to remove fears and suspicions. Above all, we may and must avoid an unrestrained speech. Mere denunciation of slavery, where not necessary for the subject in debate, and for practical purposes of legislation, is not to be defended in such a confederacy as ours, made with slave States, recognized as such. We must remember that our brethren at the South have a fearful problem to deal with, demanding our sympathy and forbearance; and I believe they may rely upon receiving them, if they do not attempt to press slavery upon the nation, territorially or politically. I have never been willing, when abroad, to accept a compliment at the expense of my country, and of truth, as one entirely disconnected from slavery. No man who acts under our Constitution, whether as a voter or an officer, in State or national affairs, has a right to that position. We are, to a limited and defined extent, and in a qualified manner, it is true, yet we are complicated with slavery. Our government is to put down insurrections and return fugitives, and to allow a slave basis of representation, and to recognize and enforce slave laws within the slave States. We ought, manfully, though with regret, and with full admission of the evil and the wrong, to accept our share of the responsibility and the reproach. But we ought the rather, and may, with the more right and title, refuse all further compromises and concessions, and take our share of the responsibility of refusal. I expect to take the share that falls to me.

Gentlemen, citizens of New Hampshire, you are soon to have an election, and this I understand is the first in a series of meetings to prepare for the contest, ___ we may hopefully say, the victory. Let the trumpet that calls from the hills the fist note after the inauguration of our President, give no uncertain sound! May you sustain by a cheering approval, your Senators and Representatives who have deserved so well at your hands! When Democracy meant Republicanism, you were its Gibraltar at the North. Now that Republicanism is the name for Republicanism, be its Gibraltar still!

Richard Henry Dana, Jr., (1815-1882), is chiefly known for the classic memoir of life at sea Two Years Before the Mast. During the Civil War he successfully argued before the Supreme Court that the United States had the right to blockade Confederate ports. He later served as a U.S. counsel in the trial of Confederate President Jefferson Davis.

The copy of this speech held in the Special Collections Dept. was hand corrected by Dana and autographed to Maine Senator William Pitt Fessenden (1806-1869), later Lincoln's Secretary of the Treasury.

Tuesday, February 15, 2011

1861 February 14 University [of Virginia]

Dear Father

Several letters have been
received from home since I last
wrote. Your note from to Prof Gil-
dersleeve has been received. I went
around to the chairman, Dr Maupin
& found that I could not attend only
a part of the lectures unless I had
my name taken off the roll; so I
made application for release, which
will be granted at the next meeting
of the faculty. I did not apply
to Prof Gilsersleeve because he is not
the proper person. Dr. Maupin,
chairman of the faculty, is
the proper person. He says that
the faculty do not allow partial
attendance unless we formally
withdraw from the class.
I was therefore obliged to withdraw

[page 2]
as I cannot possibly profitably or
possibly attend all the lectures.
Greek is said to be the hardest
ticket in the University. there are
men in the class now, who have
failed for several years successively.
Out of a large class about 12 or 15
generally graduate, perhaps a few
more sometimes but certainly not
many. It requires an enormous
amount of extra reading which
I have not time to do. It requires
such a thorough knowledge that
I am very doubtful whether I
could graduate on it, if I were
to try it another year. This is
not said through want of confidence,
but from a painful consciousness of facts.
I regret to say that I have on hand
only 60 cts & owe John & Hoover nearly
$4. I don't like to ask for any money
in these hard times. The principal
items recently are for two books necessary

[page 3]
in the Moral Philosophy course $6
mending gown, 3 pairs pants, 1 coat $2.50
Box 30 Note Books 75 Shampooing hair 25 Gloves &c &c
too numerous to mention, all of which with the
exception of three small items were ^'I think" judicious
& necessary expenditures. I had to pay
30 cts to get the box brought from C to
the University; and since I ^'wrote to mother I' have been
informed by the express agent that I
owe $2.00 more on the box. I think
I ought to pay only $1.75. I shall not
pay anything until I hear from home
again. With regard to the study of a profession I am as yet very undecided.
Even if I should decide to study law
& could come back here next year,
I think it would be advisable to wait
a year or two & spend the time in
teaching. I am not fully prepared
to profit by the high grade of instruc-
tion here. My mind is not sufficiently
matured. I am mentally much
younger than many of the same age

[page 4]
I availed myself of a few leisure
moments to write the above. I am
now sitting in the Political Economy
lectures room making use of the 15
minutes, which will elapse before the
lecture begins. I was saying that
I thought that it would be more
improving to teach a year or two
than to return here next year. Mother
mentioned the loss in furniture.
It would not be much. I have
only a chair, a beaureau, some shelves
& a share in a badly worn carpet.
About $12 in all. I can readily
dispose of the bureau & chair for $8
or $9, but if bill should come here
next year ^'I' should get prefer getting
him to use & keep them for me.
The chair is peculiar & though not as
fine looking & expensive as many I
have seen, is preferable to any that I
have met ^'with'. I should prefer to keep
it, if there was any prospect of my

[page 5]
ever coming back. I have not
called on Dr McGuffey yet, but
a few days ago he took me into his office
to show me some references in a
book & while there we talked
on various subjects; while explain
ing something he said that he
was always glad to explain it,
particularly for one, who was
studying for the ministry.
I told him that I had no
such intentions & he seemed
very much surprised. He than
spoke of choosing a profession
& said that he thought that no one
ought to enter the ministry
who could keep out of it.
He also said that I ought also
to get all the advice I could
from my friends & then decide
for myself. He then mentioned
that I have always thought, viz, that
every one ought to choose that profession
in which he can do the most good.

[page 6]
He said that sometimes after we had
chosen, god altered for us. He said
that after teaching for some years, he
had at last succeeded in getting pleas-
antly located as pastor of a church
just as he had long desired; but just then
he received a call to the University,
and although he wanted to preach
the gospel, he felt it his duty to come
here & here he had been for 16 years.
He very kindly invited me to call
& I shall certainly do so soon.

I am very glad to hear through
sister that there is a prospect of
setting up the business with less
loss than was a first apprehended.
I hope that this reverse will be the
means of causing us ^'all' to put our trust
more implicitly in our Father in
heaven & not in things of earth.

For several years I have been a
member of the church, professing to
enjoy a peace above that of earth,

[page 7]
& yet I have evinced very little
anxiety that you should enjoy the
same. I know that I have been very
unfaithful & careless, & I hope therefore
that you will forgive my being
so importunate now, for this is
something about which I am
very much concerned; it is some-
thing which I desire for you more than
anything in the world. It is to me
a terrible thought that you should
live the remainder of your life
without loving God & should pass away
from earth without any reliable hope
in the world to come. It is never
too late to come to him, who has
said, "He that cometh unto me
I will in no wise cast out." "Come
unto me all ye that labor & are
heavy laden & I will give you
." "Be not afraid, only believe."
If others are thus concerned about
you ought you not to be concerned for yourself?

[page 8]
O my dear Father will you not now consider t his
all important matter?

That you may take Jesus to be your
Saviour & find in him the peace, which
passeth knowledge is & constantly will
be the prayer of
Your devoted Son
J.T. Allyn, Jr.

Joseph Tyler Allyn, of Norfolk, Va., served as a Lt. in the Confederate Army with the Norfolk Light Artillery Blues and was later a lawyer in Norfolk, Va.

MSS 3344-a

1861 February 12 Fitchburg

Genl. J.H. Cocke

My dear General.

One word. I doubt whether my
letters reach you.

My soul is [burdened?] in prayer to God,
for this nations Politicians cannot
save it. God can by the hand of Chris-
tians. A question General, answer it
or not just as you please.

What if the free States should offer
to pay the full price for all the slaves,
in view of their freedom in ten years,
let them remain where they are
on wages, educate them, let the nation
be one, free & glorious
! would the propo-
sition be acceptable! Say what you
please to this question, I shall love you
the same.

The dear Young men in College [?]
I am glad to tell ^'you' send for our tracts,
the Lord bless them and prepare
them to act a noble part. Do write
General at once. Yours as ever Geo. Trask

George Trask, 1796-1875, was known as the "anti-tobacco apostle" and also labored in the anti-slavery cause. Over his long career he published many anti-tobacco tracts, a cause in which Cocke also believed. His son Josiah C. Trask, 1837-1863, editor of the Kansas State Journal, was slain in Quantrell's Lawrence raid.

MSS 640

Tuesday, February 1, 2011

1861 January 30 Clover Pasture

Col. Philip St. George Cocke

My Dear Sir

A few minutes ago, and for the first
owing to the dissarrangements in our post office, I saw
the account of the meeting at Hoburn Chapel.

Had I known the character of that meeting, and
the manner in which you then and there recd the nomina
tion, as I learned it from a friend who was present, on
Monday last, I should certainly not have written my
brief address to the people of Cumberland, declaring myself
a candidate, which you doubtless heard read by Mr. Thornton,
at Cumberld. Ct.Ho. on Monday.

I have already, after learning the facts
in reference to said meeting, and after learning from
several friends, both in Cumberland & Powhatan, that
my continuing in the field, would inevitably operate
to your defeat, & the election of Scott, written to the Editors
of the Whig. Enq, Examr, & Dispatch, my withdrawal from
the canvass. The card will appear in all the papers on friday
in full time to be seen & known over the two counties long
before Monday.

Events occurring since the last Powhtn Ct.
such as the "going out"' of Alabama, Georgia & Louisiana, &
the grave & solemn letter of Mason, Hunter, & our Representatives

[p. 2]
in Congress--all proving that the Union is already gone and that
delay on the part of Va. now, would be both futile & dangerous,
have brought me up to your speed, and satisfied me that
the promptest action we can take as a State, and the sooner
we place ourselves in line with the seceding states, the
better both for ourselves, for them, and for the prevention
of civil War. I do not, & never died, wish Va. to delay action
until Lincoln came in -- unless suitable guarantees were
given us. Mason & Hunter tell the people. "there is no hope
from Congress -- you must look for safety to yourselves in
Convention assembled."

I shall take great pleasure in giving
you not only my vote on Monday next, but
shall go early in the morning, and work for you,
until the sun goes down.

I think I can do you some
good, as I know nearly every voter in the county, and
many look to me for guidance, & were anxious to
vote for me.

You will get, I understand a good vote
in that part of Cumberland, where my continuance
in the field would have injured you, viz in all that
part of the County from the Ct.Ho. to James River,
approaching Cola. & Fluvanna, the precinct of
which is "Fork of Willis' Church."

I fear you will loose some votes in
and around Cartersville, owing to the influence of

[p. 3]
F. D. Irving, who is strongly for Scott.

You will also loose votes from a rumor
that is floating in some parts of Cumberlandd, as I learn,
that you are & have been a disunionist per se, and
that the present condition of affairs is not the cause of
your position, but that like Rhett of South Carolina,
you have been for breaking up the Union for years,
which they say, Scott is the great conservative & friend
of the Union now & always.

This I trust will influence but few, if
you have active friends in Cumberland, to correct
the falsehood. Your letter is enough, but than the igno
rant don't read. However, the cuckoo cry of Union
is fast loosing its charms, even with that class.

Did you see Jack & Ranny & Carter Harrison
at Ct. How will they go? They could carry their precinct
if they would work for you. If you did not see them,
had you not better write to one or other of them?

I think you fairly, honorably entitled to
the place, from the nomination, I agree with you, and
I do not wish you to leave any thing undone, which
honorably you can do, to secure your election. The
friends of Scott are working hard for him. Be assured
I shall do all I can for you until the last minute
of the last hour. You shall have every vote
this way, except Swann of Jefferson, who is immo
-vable for Scott. With sincere wishes for your success

I am yr. firend. Ro. Iv. Cocke